And it may remake the dynamic in the Senate, where conventional wisdom has suggested that Democrats are especially vulnerable to losing control of the chamber. Steve Israel, chairman of the DCCC, has said he believes the Ryan budget, which all but four Republicans voted for, will cost the Republicans control of the House come 2012. Even a modest swing in their vote could upend the political landscape. Seniors have been the least receptive of any demographic group to President Obama and Democrats in Congress. “I hope what people will see is more of what we all witnessed in Madison…more people in the streets making demands about what kind of America we want to see.”Īs The Nation’s John Nichols reports, the goal of this campaign, called “Fight for A Fair Economy,” is to begin shifting the character of the national debate, from one defined by right-wing talking points and ginned up by tea party “populism” to one that reflects the aspirations of the poor and middle class.Īnd with the recent announcement that Harry Reid will hold a vote for the Ryan budget in the Senate, it’s clear that the issue of ending Medicare won’t just be the House’s albatross.ĭemocrats see a lot of short-term political opportunity here. “We felt like we were called in this moment to roll the dice and to think about how to use our members resources for the greatest hope for changing members lives,” SEIU President Mary Kay Henry says. SEIU, for example, plans to organize massive nationwide protests around “national flash points,” including during August recess. The Congressional Progressive Caucus is planning a whistle stop “people’s agenda” tour in seventeen cities-as a follow up to their “People’s Budget.” Other groups are planning large mobilizations in August, to coincide with the month-long summer recess. is encouraging its members to attend town halls, as well. A campaign called “Don’t Make Us Work ‘Til We Die” organized two days of action in thirty five cities across the country in April. In the words of President Obama, yes, yes we can.ĭemocrats and progressive allies are already getting started, working to mobilize voters to attend future town hall meetings. I’m not wedded to one single idea.” Last week, Washington Post reporter Greg Sargent, writing about yet another town hall uproar, asked if we could “call this a national phenomenon yet?” A whopping 70 percent of Republicans opposed them, as well, making it one of the most unpopular positions supported by a national party in modern memory.Įven Speaker Boehner himself ducked away from the budget. “If there are certain facets of the budget that are manifestly unpopular, I think that should be taken into consideration.… this is the beginning of a long conversation.” How manifestly unpopular is Ryan’s plan for Medicare? A recent Washington Post/ABC News poll showed that more than 80 percent of all Americans disapprove of cuts to the program. By the end of Charlie Bass’s town hall, he already seemed to be wavering. The New York Times described one such town hall as approaching “near chaos.” The Orlando Sentinel described another as reaching the level of “bedlam.”Īlready, some members are backing away from their votes. Daniel Webster (R-FL) arrived at his town hall greeted with signs that said “Hands Off Medicare.” The meeting became so contentious that police officers intervened to quiet the crowd. In addition to Ryan and Bass, at least six other GOPers have faced pointed questions and outright protest at town halls, reminiscent of the tea party anger seen at Democratic town halls in 2009. But for a man who won his seat during the 2010 Republican wave by a little more than 3,000 votes, it’s an open question as to whether his career can afford such controversy. “I’m not surprised it’s controversial,” said Bass of his vote. In New Hampshire, the first six questions posed to Representative Charlie Bass (R-NH) were about his vote in favor of Ryan’s budget.
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